 |
|
Guynemer
|
|
How is that an emergency C-section is suddenly viewed as a benign procedure?
I've seen several. Ain't nothing benign about them.
|
|
|  |
 |
|  |
 |
|
MichaeltheGreat
|
|
Apolyton Grand Executioner
|
 |
mooning the house that Ruth built.
Oct 1999 time: 21:31
|
|
quote: Originally posted by Jac de Molay
What if she doesn't want a c-section? So you wanna force a woman to undergo C-section in second and third trimester, thus putting her life at risk from surgical complication? It always amazes me the lengths to which people go to tell someone what should be done with their body.
|
If the fetus is viable, then Roe v. Wade clearly establishes that the state has an independent protective interest in the fetus' life and well being. Not to the point where it can order a procedure which would likely kill the mother, however, neither can the fetus be ignored.
quote:
Yeah, you go right ahead and show us how partial-birth abortions, which number ~2000 a year, have destroyed thousands of lives.
|
Considering that this procedure is generally performed on viable fetuses, and that the killing of the fetus is done with it's head exposed, the simple fact that it's ~2000 a year establishes "thousands" of lives destroyed, using the existing criteria of Roe v. Wade.
quote:
And the decision goes just beyond life-saving situations, What if the women is on chemo? What if the fetus is severely damaged because of assault?
And once and for all
QUIT CALLING IT PARTIAL BIRTH ABORTION |
So it has a different technical name. If I refer to "car" instead of "automobile" I'm fairly sure we can be clear we're talking about the same thing. 
|
|
|  |
 |
|  |
 |
|
MichaeltheGreat
|
|
Apolyton Grand Executioner
|
 |
mooning the house that Ruth built.
Oct 1999 time: 21:31
|
|
quote: Originally posted by SpencerH
As has been stated, the problem is that health is defined so broadly by the supremes to make any law including an out for health reasons unusable.
|
This is not correct, nor is it appropriate to blame SCOTUS. The term "health" itself, without qualification, is inherently vague, and there have been a litany of disability, insurance, worker's comp and other cases involving the use of the term, the great majority of which are reflected in "Words and Phrases." Words and Phrases is recognized as the definitive guide to decisional law construction and interpretation of words and phrases for which the terms themselves have been the subject of litigation. SCOTUS, like every other court, uses Words and Phrases as an authoritative source, as well as other existing decisional law.
There is nothing preventing Congress, or a state legislature, from giving a specific statutory definition of health, or any other term, for the purposes of the specific statute they wish to pass. The failure, deliberate or otherwise, is legislative, not judicial.
|
|
|  |
 |
|  |
 |
|
MrBaggins
|
|
Personally, I think that a fetus has zero rights. I'm utterly unmoved by any emotional sentiment in this regard.
I'm all for a womens right to chose. At any point.
|
|
|  |
 |
|  |
 |
|  |
 |
|
Zkribbler
|
 |
Los Angeles, CA, USA
Feb 1999 time: 21:31
|
|
quote: Originally posted by Imran Siddiqui
Unfortunetly this law, as signed is unconstitutional, there is no doubt. First it makes no exception for the woman's health. Second, it may be too broad. It doesn't only apply to D&X or D&E after viability, but may also extend pre-viability. Sava is correct that Stenberg v. Carhart makes this law unconstitution, when it is basically the EXACT SAME LAW... geez, dumb Congress.
All they had to do was to make an exception for mother's health and restrict the ban to after viability (ie, third trimester) and they would have been good to go (ie, Constitutional). |
There's another constitutional issue everyone seems to be missing. Remember the Lopez case striking down the Violence Against Women Act? The Supremes said that, even though a problem may be nationwide, that fact alone doesn't give Congress the power to pass laws regulating it. Health and Safety is the province of the State unless it directly impacts on interstate commerce.
The Late-Term Abortion Act could be seens as a Violence Against Fetuses Act, having the same federalism problems as the Violence Against Women Act.
|
|
|  |
 |
|
Zkribbler
|
 |
Los Angeles, CA, USA
Feb 1999 time: 21:31
|
|
quote: Originally posted by Elok
Damn straight. BTW, what's this "constitutional" BS? The constitution and its amendments say nothing at all about abortion, or anything that could be even remotely construed as implying abortion rights. Yes, I know, Roe v. Wade, but if that had absolutely no constitutional background, which it doesn't appear to, it was merely an abuse of power. |
On the other hand, nothing in the Constitution gives the government the right to dictate to individuals what medical procedures that person can or cannot have.
|
|
|  |
 |
|  |
 |
|
Imran Siddiqui

|
 |
The Potterverse
Jan 1970 time: 00:31
|
|
quote: Remember the Lopez case striking down the Violence Against Women Act? The Supremes said that, even though a problem may be nationwide, that fact alone doesn't give Congress the power to pass laws regulating it. Health and Safety is the province of the State unless it directly impacts on interstate commerce.
|
You mean Morrison. Lopez dealt with anti-gun school zones. Though both dealt with the same principle. Anyway, Morrison was a different beast. It was an anti-rape law, basically justified by saying that rape leads to less travel by women. That was their commerical justificiation. You got the ruling incorrect, however. The SCOTUS NEVER said it must 'directly' impact interstate commerce (or else a whole bevy of laws would have been struck down by that precedent). The SCOTUS merely said that a Congressional law invoking commerce clause power must have something to do with commerce. Rape and violence by private individuals against other private individuals outside a commercial context didn't.
Abortion, on the other hand, deals with hospitals or clinics, ie, commerical activities. It usually isn't something done by private individuals to each other outside the commercial sphere (in fact it is a part of commerce). Therefore, I think a partial birth ban would survive Constitutional challenge under the commerce clause.
|
|
|  |
 |
|
SpencerH
|
 |
Co-Ruler of my patch of land south of Birmingham Alabama
Feb 2002 time: 23:31
|
|
quote: Originally posted by MichaeltheGreat
There is nothing preventing Congress, or a state legislature, from giving a specific statutory definition of health, or any other term, for the purposes of the specific statute they wish to pass. The failure, deliberate or otherwise, is legislative, not judicial. |
All I can say is that the undefined (or perhaps court defined) use of 'health' by the courts, including the supremes, since Roe V Wade was the reasoning given on the floor of the senate for why such a clause ccould not be included in the law.
Last edited by SpencerH on 06-11-2003 at 17:12
|
|
|  |
All times are GMT. The time now is 05:31. Apolyton Time is 00:31. |
top of page
|
| archivepost |
|
Forum Rules:
You may not post new threads
You may not post replies
You may not post attachments
You may not edit your posts
|
HTML code is ON
vB code is ON
Smilies are ON
[IMG] code is ON
|
|
|
|
|
|