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Ramo
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Austin, Texas, USA
Oct 1999 time: 23:26
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Ned, did you even bother to verify Gonzales' propaganda, or did you assume it to be true?
In Hamilton v. Dillin, Congress specifically authorized the President to regulate trade between the US and CSA, and Confederate cotton traders went to court over the tariff Lincoln charged. It has absolutely nothing to do with the President's authority to defy the law.
Secondly, he's selectively quoting. The full quote is
quote: Whether, in the absence of Congressional action, the power of permitting partial intercourse with a public enemy may or may not be exercised by the President alone, who is constitutionally invested with the entire charge of hostile operations, it is not now necessary to decide, although it would seem that little doubt could be raised on the subject |
The Court specifically didn't decide the scope of the President's wartime powers. Gonzales painfully quoted the decision out of context. Pure intellectual dishonesty.
Further, you realize the date is 1874, don't you? Also, it's never been cited before in more recent decisions. If you want to go to a more important case, Youngstown Co. v. Sawyer (1952), where Truman used an executive order to take over a Korean steel mill when faced with a strike, SCOTUS has said:
quote: The Executive Order was not authorized by the Constitution or laws of the United States; and it cannot stand.
[...]
In the framework of our Constitution, the President's power to see that the laws are faithfully executed refutes the idea that he is to be a lawmaker. The Constitution limits his functions in the lawmaking process to the recommending of laws he thinks wise and the vetoing of laws he thinks bad. And the Constitution is neither silent nor equivocal about who shall make laws which the President is to execute. |
Note that this decision has been cited nearly 100 times in SCOTUS and Circuit Courts since. In drastic contrast to Hamilton v. Dillin.
If we go directly to the source, Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution:
quote: The Congress shall have power....
To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;
To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;
To provide and maintain a navy;
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;
To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States
To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. |
From Article II, Section 3:
quote: [The President] shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. |
Last edited by Ramo on 10-02-2005 at 00:08
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Imran Siddiqui

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The Potterverse
Jan 1970 time: 00:26
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Btw, in Youngstown Sheet & Tube v. Sawyer, the important opinion is Jackson's concurrence, which became the law. Those cites mostly point to the concurrence. Jackson does speak about the President acting against Congress' express and implied will (such as a torture statute:
quote: Courts can sustain exclusive Presidential control in such a case only by disabling Congress from action upon the subject |
Obviously, that isn't the case there, because Congress has acted upon the subject by passing torture laws, and that isn't being struck down.
Jackson goes on to say:
quote: no doctrine that the Court could promulgate would seem to me more sinister and alarming than that a President whose conduct of foreign affairs is so largely uncontrolled, and often even is unknown, can vastly enlarge his mastery over the internal affairs of the country by his own committment of the Nation's armed forces to some foreign venture |
quote: ours is a government of laws, not of men, and that we submit ourselves to rulers only if under rules |
quote: Aside from suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in time of rebellion or invasion, when the public safety may require it, they made no express provision for exercise of extraordinary authority because of a crisis. I do not think we rightfully may so amend their work... |
quote: The Executive, except for recommendation and veto, has no legislative power |
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Ramo
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Austin, Texas, USA
Oct 1999 time: 23:26
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quote: Ramo, Youngstown did place some limits on the president's authority. He is not a dictator in the sense of a Roman dictator. But in matters of the prosecution of the war as Commander in Chief, he is it. As I said, if Congress could regulate the president's perogatives here, they could order him to appoing a CinC according to their liking. This they cannot do. |
Youngtown was in a war, Ned. Remember a little thing called the Korean War (which was certainly more of a war than our "war against terror")? This was the situation in which SCOTUS created explicit limitations on the CinC's war powers.
Without any limitations on the President's war powers, he is indeed a dictator in the Roman sense. For, what is then stopping him from rounding up the political opposition under the guise of the war in terror, and then denying them due process? Gonzales supports dictatorship and torture, and so do you for supporting him.
As I said, the CinC is the explicit power of the President, and so cannot be replaced by legislation.
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