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Bereta_Eder
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quote: Originally posted by lord of the mark
absolutely.
The immigration experience, the public school system, the desire of the children of immigrants to fit in, to move up, to get away from the ways of their "embarrassing" immigrant parents, is almost cliche over here. Americans of european origin only started really celebratring"ethnicity" when it was dilute enough to not be dangerous. |
That's the opposite model. The one most feared. That people would lose their roots. (And there weren't any immigrants either). That's why you see a mass return of young kids to tradition. Of course ethnicity isn't as dangerous as in the US since things are or were pretty homogenious in those hereby societies.
BTW when you say fitin you assume that there was a "prototype model" in the US, if I'm notmistaken.
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DAVOUT
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AUERSTADT
Jun 2002 time: 05:23
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In my job I have had to visit several European countries (G.B., Sweden, Denmark, Nederland, Belgium, Germany, Swiss, Italy, Spain and Portugal). I always and everywhere felt at home. From that repeated experience, I was inclined to think that the inhabitants of these countries were not significantly different from me; they were not perfectly like me, only different enough for making possible to recognize an English European from a German European. For me, this is the definition of my sense of belonging to Europe, and I am unable to understand what Pekka is saying on the European identity.
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Bereta_Eder
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what are the basics of this constitution anyway?
I heard that basically there not much more than simply all the existing legislature writen in a shorten simplified format.
how could you compare this with let's say the maastricht treaty (and the additional 2 pillars it created?)
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Spiffor
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CPA - Evil Clone brigade
Nov 2001 time: 06:23
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The constitution is nothing revolutionary, and brings in slight changes. However, in comparison with Amsterdam or Nice (that saw negligible change), the constitution looks revolutionary in the eyes of the political microcosmos.
The constitution is a small step in the right direction actually. The decision-making will be slightly less inefficient, and slightly less antidemocratic. The Charter for Human Rights will now be binding. The constitution also modifies the balance of power in the Council.
The reason why I oppose this constitution is not because of the text in itself (which is terrible, but slightly less so than the prequels), but because of the waste of a historical opportunity: It is the first time that much work has been devoted by a supranational institution (the convention) to think about the future of the EU. It is a first, and like man firsts, it is a failure. The text sucks.
Now, if we accept this terrible text as it is, we won't see another convention anytime soon. Actually, we won't see one until we have a major crisis in the EU, that affects every country at once.
We won't answer the real questions about the future of Europe: do we want an integrated political Europe, yes or no?
We won't tackle the problem that has stopped the evolution of the EU ever since France-Germany have stopped being the undisputed bosses: who wants to be in a politically integrated Europe, and who doesn't?
And this is why I think that we'll remain utterly stuck with the pathetic EU as it is now, if the text becomes accepted. OTOH, if the text is rejected, the European elites will probably stop to give in to complacency, and they'll ask the real questions. They'll seize the historical opportunity, but only if we give them another one.
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Bereta_Eder
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Ok, but some things shouldn't be rushed either. You remember the case about the common military that the french parliement undertook in the '50s IIRC. And was rejected by alittle majority but was indeed rejected.
maybe the question about a political europe is not yet ready to be answered?
I'm just saying, I dont have a definite opinion on this.
OTOH the pro constitution camp claims that if this treaty is rejected then things would simply stay as they are now. which would actually be a drawback.
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Bereta_Eder
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I understand what you're saying but I admit I think that you are a bit "pre-emptive" when you say that this change will be for more integration...
If I understand correctly you think that this constitution doesn't go far enough. However the groups that opposite it all have different ideas why they're doing it. So how could one be sure which exactly direction the new constitution would take?
Just some questions that came up from reading your post.
Although I think I understand where you're coming from. If I followed the negotiations correctly the original text was much bolder than the final one... After the negotiations it had to be "diluted" a bit.
Last edited by Bereta_Eder on 27-05-2005 at 03:22
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Spiffor
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CPA - Evil Clone brigade
Nov 2001 time: 06:23
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quote: Originally posted by paiktis22
I understand what you're saying but I admit I think that you are a bit "pre-emptive" when you say that this change will be for more integration...
If I understand correctly you think that this constitution doesn't go far enough. However the groups that opposite it all have different ideas why they're doing it. So how could one be sure which exactly direction the new constitution would take?
Just some questions that came up from reading your post.
Although I think I understand where you're coming from. If I followed the negotiations correctly the original text was much bolder than the final one... After the negotiations it had to be "diluted" a bit. |
Actually, I think that the Europeans must decide on their general visions for the future fo the Union before a constitution is drafted.
I don't think that so many European countries want political integration. At least, some countries (Britain, Denmark, Poland) are very adamant about their sovereignty, and I don't think it'll change.
If the constitution is rejected by the people, I actually expect the European political elites to ask the real questions about the future of Europe, and to acknowledge the deep division among countries on that issue. The reason why our European institutions are nearly stuck is because we can't "agree to disagree", which is something the EU dramatically needs.
I think that our European elites will finally be forced to "agree to disagree" if France and Britain (and maybe Poland) reject the constitution, especially for different reasons. The issue has been hinted enough in the past (actually, there are occasional talks about it since Maastricht), but it has never been dealt with seriously.
If we finally agree to disagree, maybe the pro-political Europe will stop dragging the reluctant British along. And maybe the British will stop hindering the trailblazing European countries.
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Bereta_Eder
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quote: Originally posted by Spiffor
Actually, I think that the Europeans must decide on their general visions for the future fo the Union before a constitution is drafted.
I don't think that so many European countries want political integration. At least, some countries (Britain, Denmark, Poland) are very adamant about their sovereignty, and I don't think it'll change.
If the constitution is rejected by the people, I actually expect the European political elites to ask the real questions about the future of Europe, and to acknowledge the deep division among countries on that issue. The reason why our European institutions are nearly stuck is because we can't "agree to disagree", which is something the EU dramatically needs.
I think that our European elites will finally be forced to "agree to disagree" if France and Britain (and maybe Poland) reject the constitution, especially for different reasons. The issue has been hinted enough in the past (actually, there are occasional talks about it since Maastricht), but it has never been dealt with seriously.
If we finally agree to disagree, maybe the pro-political Europe will stop dragging the reluctant British along. And maybe the British will stop hindering the trailblazing European countries. |
Placed under that light I on principal would agree. That how ever would mean opening the way for a 2 speed EU. But maybe that's better. In any case it is a completely new on going experiment. Can't know till you try
However these days I'm not so concerned with further integration as I am with the politico-economic direction the Commission is taking. I think it is far too liberal and since the EU countries have given away a very large part of their sovereignity ecnomically speaking I think its role and direction is critical and affects me directly. I have a feeling the Commission has been breached with too much liberalism in its policies. In short I see a "Europe of capital" being more and more created instead of the "Europe of peoples". Of course there's a universal swift towards neoliberalism but I think the Commission dances dangerously close to being detrimental to a wide arrey of social wins of the past.
But anyway I see your point. A constitution that would lead the way for the integration not to be so burdened by the "unwilling".
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Bereta_Eder
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quote: Originally posted by Spiffor
The two are closely related. Did you know that the Lisboa agenda (an extremely liberal 10-year plan) was decided when most European governments were left-of-centre, including the most important ones (France, Germany, Britain)? |
Yep but I thought its main objective was to "increase european competition". I suppose that's a well shaped saying to push forward more liberalism. As is that ugly "flexible workmarket" saying.
quote: The reason is not because these people have thatcherite ideologies, but because the very system as it is now doesn't permit to have ambitious policies that harmonize toward the top. In order to reach a compromise between the many different countries, we always need to dumb down any ambition to the smallest common denominator. Ultraliberalism. Even when most countries oppose it. |
Is that the reason? I don't know... Could be. Maybe the least common denominator of most EU countries is liberalism. But do you think that was the case when the Lisboa Agenda was negotiated? With so many social democracies? But could be.
IMO the recent failure of the european social democratic governments to live up to their social promises has created a sort of "stunned paralysis" in the creation of new social and economic policiesthat are tuned to provide for the people. The neoliberal model is more free than before to push for changes towards anti-social policies. Playing without real adversary for the moement In levels where the democratic deficit is more pronounced like in the Commission, I think it shows even more and is as or more capable of impact as a national government.
Last edited by Bereta_Eder on 27-05-2005 at 04:23
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